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  بين مخطوطات الأقصر ومخطوطات نجع حمادى

 

وقال الامين العام للمجلس الأعلى للا ثار المصرية الدكتور زاهى حواس فى تعليقه على هذا الاكتشاف بانه يعد ثانى اكبر كشف قبطى فى مصر بعد مخطوطات نجع حمادى و تعتبر منطقة الكشف من اقدم الماطق التى هرع اليها النساك و الرهبان المسيحيين هربا من آلا ضطهاد أن اكتشاف ثلاث مخطوطات من البردي مكتوبة باللغة القبطية مخبأة فى اطلال دير قبطى قديم بمنطقة القرنة غرب مدينة الاقصر التا ريخية فى صعيد مصر اثناء قيام بعثة االاثار البولندية باعمال التنقيب امام احدى مقابر الدولة الوسطى(مقبرة رقم 1152)
لقد أحب القباط المسيح فهو قد بارك أرضهم فصار منهم وهم له , ومن اجل هذا عانى الأقباط من  الاضطهاد ومن ناحية أخرى قدمت مصر اسهاماتها فى انشاء نظام الرهبنه الفردية و رهبنة الاديرة هربا بالعقيدة و حماية للتراث القبطى

وأشتهرت الاقصر وما حولها بالتغيير وإعتناق المسيحية فحول الاقباط معظم المعابد و المقابر الى اديرة و كنائس لجأ اليها النساك و الرهبان و شهدت المنطقة تجمعات لجماعات مسيحية هجرت الحياة الى الصحراء و كهوفها و واتخذوا المقابر الفرعونية مركز لاعتكافهم ينعمون بعلاقة وصله بينهم وبين إلههم  فصارت هذه المنطقة مخزنا لتراث الأقباط الفكرى والانسانى .

الدكتور زاهى حواس فى تعليقه على هذا الاكتشاف بأنه يعد ثاني اكبر كشف قبطي فى مصر بعد مخطوطات نجع حمادي
مخطوطات نجع حمادى
 مخطو طات نجع حمادى اسرار العقيدة المسيحية و كان قد اكتشفها بالصدفة فلاح من قرية حمره دوم فى مركز نجع حمادى بمحافظة قنا فى صعيد مصر يدعى محمد علتى السمان اثناء بحثه عن السباخ لزراعاته بالقرب من جبل الطارف على بعد عشرة كيلو مترات شمال شرقى نجع حمادى حيث عثر على اناء فخارى باحدى الكهوف و اعتقد السمان انه وجد كنز ا من الذهب وعندما كسر الاناء بفأ سة اصيب بخيبة امل عندما وجد لفافات من البردى لم يقدر قيمتها و حملها على جمله مع اخيه خليفه لتوفر وقودا لفرن امه

و عندما هرب السمان و شقيقه من قريتهم خوفا من الشرطة لخلافات ثارية اودع اللفافات لدى زوجة قس القرية و بالصدفة ايضا شاهد هذه اللفافات شقيق زوجة القس المدرس بمدرسة القرية و تيقن انها كتابات قبطية فحملها الى صديقة جورج صبحى الذى نقل واحده منها الى المتحف المصرى و عرضها على مديره وقتها ايفان برايتون الذى اشتراها لحساب المتحف بمبلغ 250جنية

العرفين بالرب ألإله

وشاعت اهيمة هذه المخطوطات القبطية وسارع العلماء بشراء اجزاء منها من تجار الاثار والمهربين حتي تمكنت سلطات الاثار من استعادتها وقتها الي المتحف القبطي وكان جزء منها اهدي الي عالم النفس جوستاف يونج زميل سيجموند فرويد واحتوت مخطوطات نجع حمادي على مكتبة كاملة تحتوي 53 نص في 1153 صفحة جمعت في 13 مجلد بعضها مكتوب باللغة القبطية وتبين ان المخطوطات تحتوي علي أفكار مسيحية لبعض الجماعات التي ظهرت منذ القرن الميلادي الاول وكانت تعرف بجماعة العرافين التي  ويقول العارفون بازدواجية الوجود ، الجسد ، والروح 00العدم ، والوجود ، وهي في حالة صراع دائم .

وهم ينشدون الوصول الي معرفة الإله الحقيقي والروح الالهية عن طريق معرفة الانسان لنفسة ويعد العارفون اول من وضع اسس علم النفس مما أدى إلى أن عالم النفس جوستاف يونج قرأ كتاباتهم

وكان العارفون بالإله يزهدون الدنيا ويتنازلون عن احلامهم واعمالهم ويخرجون الي البرية يعيشون حياه النسك ولا ياكلون غير الخبز والماء ومما يذكر أن الفيلسوف السكندري اليهودي فيلو في كتاباتة وسماهم (السرابيون) او اهل السراب وكانوا مشهورين بعلاج الامراض النفسية والامراض المستعصية باستعمال الاعشاب الطبية الصحراوية

 واول ما ظهرت المسيحية في مصر كانت بين صفوف هؤلاء العارفين الذين شكلوا كما يقول الاب بسيوس اول من كتب من تاريخ الكنيسة انهم كانوا يمثلون اول كنيسة مصرية وتضم مكتبة العارفين التي عثر عليها بنجع حمادي واخيرا فى الاقصر الاشعار والكتابات الفلسفية وعدد من الاناجيل التى لم تكن معروفة من قبل , من اهمها :

1 - انجيل توماس الذي يحتوي اقوال السيد المسيح بعضها موجود في الانجيل الرابع (يوحنا) وبعضها غير موجود ويعد تاريخ انجيل توماس اقدم بعشرين عام من تاريخ تدوين الاناجيل الاربعة المعروفة بعد عام 70 ميلادي ويعد اقدم الاناجيل المكتوبة ويقال ان توماس هو الترجمة اليونانية للاسم المصري القديم تحتمس ( الصورة المقابلة نهاية أنجيل توماس وبداية أنجيل فيلب ) .

2 - وضمت ايضا انجيل مريم المجيد

3 - وانجيل المصريين

4 - وانجيل فليب

وبالطبع هناك اختلافات بين اناجيل العهد الجديد وانجيل جماعة العارفين فمريم المجدلية ليست هي المخطئة التي تابت انما وكما يقول انجيل فيليب هي ريقة المخلص التي احبها يسوع وقد ذكرتهم القصة للكاتب الامريكي دان براون فولف اشهر رواه في العالم الامريكي شعرت دافينشي من مخطوطات نجع حمادي والاختلاف الاهم كان في قصة صلب المسيح بناء علي اوامر الحاكم الروماني موتيناس سيلاخس حيث نفت المخطوطات قصة صلب المسيح

وقام القديس باخوميوس أب الشركة سنة 320 ب.م بإنشاء العديد من الأديرة , وبعد حوالى نصف قرن أى حوالى 367 ب . م قام الرهبان المحليين بنقل 45 من مخطوطات دينية مختلفه عن عقيدتهم لدراستها وشملت كتاباتهم أنجيل توماس Gospels of Thomas, وأنجيل فيلب وتروث  Philip and Truth  وشملت 12 لفائف من الجلد بداخلها هذه المخطوطات  ووضعت هذه المكتبة فى أوانى فخارية  وأغلق عليها وبقيت محفوظة لأكثر من 1600 سنة ز

وقد فحصها فى البداية جاكوس وتشارلز وكوكس Jacques Schwarz & Charles Kuentz, Codex II  سنة 1946 م فى متجر أثار قديمة  , ومنذ سنة 1952 م حفظت فى متحف القبطى فى مصر القديمة , وقد صورت هذه المخطوطات التى رآها كوكس

ومؤلف أنجيل توماس كتب عن نفسه الرسول توماس أحد التلاميذ الأثنى عشر والأنجيل يحتوى على جمل قصيرة  قالها المخلص أكثر من  مائة جملة ليس بينها أى إرتباط أو أحداث تجمعها  .

وقد أستعار بعض قدماء المؤلفين المسيحيين بعض هذه العبارات  مثلاً

الأقوال  رقم 2 , 22 , 27 - 37 بواسطة كلمنت الأسكندرى Clement of Alexandria (circa 150-211 AD) in his Stromata (Patches)

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 — but without explicit attribution to Thomas. Then 100 years ago at Oxyrhynchus in Egypt, there were discovered a few fragments of what we now know to be a prior Greek version of Thomas, datable by paleography as follows: PapOx 1 (Th 26-33 & 77), 200 AD; PapOx 654 (Th Prolog & 1-7), 250 AD [on display in the John Ritblat Gallery of the new British Library at St Pancras, London]; PapOx 655 (Th 36-39), 250 AD— see Biblio.10. The more recent discovery of the Coptic version of Thomas has finally made this Gospel available in its entirety. Yet further evidence, such as the asyndeton in Th 6, reveals an underlying Semitic source document (see Guillamont, Recent Scholarly Comments). As indicated in the press release, almost all biblical scholars who have been studying this document since its first publication have now concluded that Thomas should be accepted as an authentic fifth Gospel, on an equal footing with the canonical quartet of John and the Synoptics.
        The Gospel of Philip— as can be inferred from its entries 51, 82, 84, 98, 101, 137 & 139— was composed at least in part after 70 AD by Philip called the Evangelist (not the Apostle), who appears in the Book of Acts at 6:1-6, 8:4-40 & 21:8-14. There is no known previous citation of this complex scripture, which is an elegant series of reflections on the Abrahamic tradition, on Israel and the Messiah, whilst elaborating a metaphysic of Spiritual Idealism. (typeset page from Philip)
        The Gospel of Truth was composed in about 150 AD by Valentine, the famous saint of Alexandria (born circa 100 AD). A continuous interwoven meditation on the Logos, it was scarcely mentioned in antiquity— and until the Nag Hammadi discovery not even a quote from this noble composition was known to have survived. (For a preliminary version of another text from the Nag Hammadi library which may also be by Valentine, see: The Supremacy).
        In the early years following the discovery of these documents, and before they could be given sufficiently careful scrutiny by scholars, it was commonplace for them collectively to be labeled ‘gnostic’ (see e.g. Grant & Freedman [1960], in Recent Scholarly Comments). This has always been a generic term for the Mediterranean mixture of essentially anti-sensory religious movements of the early centuries AD, and so was at first unfortunately considered a convenient category in which to place all of the diverse Nag Hammadi writings. Subsequent investigation has shown, however, that neither Thomas nor Philip nor the Gospel of Truth can correctly be labeled gnostic, as they each explicitly affirm the reality of our physical incarnations in their historic ambiance (including, notably, the crucifixion): thus Th 28, 55; Ph 25, 77, 78, 114, 132; and Tr 6, 8, 9, 21, 28, 29, 37 (see Commentary 1). ‘Gnosticism’— whether Oriental, Platonic, Mystery-Religion or Theosophical— by definition considers the perceptual universe (including our own incarnate lives as well as all human history, Biblical or otherwise) to be inherently illusory and hence malignant. The unequivocal Old Testament view, on the other hand— which Christ in the canonical Gospels most certainly accepted— was that the entire realm of the five senses is neither unreal nor evil, but rather divinely created and good: so, among countless examples, Gen 1:31 (‘everything that He had made ... was very good’) and Lk 24:39 (‘flesh and bones as ... I have’). A careful reading of the three Coptic Gospels makes it quite clear that they are unequivocally within this quite un-gnostic Biblical tradition.
        The New Testament canons of the Western (Catholic/Protestant), Eastern Orthodox, Coptic, Syrian/Nestorian, Armenian, and Ethiopian Churches all differ significantly from one another— and even these were under dispute within the various branches of Christianity until many centuries AD; previously there were only widely diverse opinions recorded by various individuals well after the Apostolic era, regarding not only today's commonly accepted works but also such writings as the Epistle of Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Gospel of the Egyptians, the Gospel of the Hebrews (in which Christ calls the Holy Spirit his Mother), the Traditions of Matthias, the Apocalypse of Peter, the Didakhê, and the Acts of Paul. Thus the Codex Sinaiticus of the mid-4th century includes both Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hermas, while the Codex Alexandrinus of the early 5th century contains I and II Clement as well as the Psalms of Solomon. There was no church council regarding the NT canon until the Synod of Laodicea (363 AD), which indeed rejected John's Apocalypse or Book of Revelation. Twelve centuries later (!), the Western Canon was finally settled by the Council of Trent (1546 AD), which designated the present 27-book listing as an article of Roman Catholic faith (although episcopal councils have never claimed to be infallible; the vote at Trent was 24 to 15, with 16 abstentions)— and which the various Protestant Churches subsequently accepted. The sundry Eastern Churches have equally complicated records on establishing their respective NT canons: thus, the Armenian canon includes a Pauline III Corinthians; the Coptic NT contains I & II Clement; the Syrian/Nestorian Peshitta excludes II & III John, Jude, and Rev/Ap; the Ethiopian Bible adds books called the Sínodos, the Epistle of Peter to Clement, the Book of the Covenant, and the Didascalia; and John's Rev/Ap is still not included in the Greek Orthodox Bible! (see Biblio.35)
        Notably, however, the Gospels of Thomas, Philip and Truth were evidently not known to any of those traditions at the time of their attempts at establishing a NT canon, never being so much as mentioned in their protracted deliberations— and hence were never even under consideration for inclusion in their respective listings. But the concept of a canon was certainly never intended to exclude the possible inspiration of any subsequent textual discoveries or isolated agrapha (Lk 1:1 & Jn 21:25).
        Precisely what transpired during the first 3½ centuries AD, prior to the earliest ecclesiastical attempts at canonization, is notoriously obscure, as the original Gospel Messianics were eventually supplanted by the Pauline ‘Christians’ (Ac 11:25-26). Thus the Epistle of Barnabas (late first century) remains unacquainted with the historical Gospels, whereas Justin Martyr (mid-second century) shows no awareness of Paul's writings— indicating an ongoing schism between the Petrine and the Pauline traditions. Clement of Alexandria and Irenaeus of Lyon, at the end of  the second century, are the first authors explicitly to quote from both the Gospels and from Paul. I have attempted to analyze the basis of this rift in ‘The Paul Paradox’. Essential reading on that formative period is Walter Bauer's pioneering study, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity (Tübingen 1934, Philadelphia 1971).
        The translations of the texts themselves are both as literal and as lyrical as I could make them. Any grammatical irregularities encountered (e.g. the verb tenses in Th 109) are in the Coptic text itself. Plausible textual reconstructions are in [brackets], while editorial additions are in (parentheses). ‘[...]’ indicates places where it is not possible to interpolate the deterioration of the papyrus manuscript. The Greek Oxyrhynchus variants to Thomas are within {braces}. ‘You’ and its cognates are plural, ‘thou’ and its cognates represent the singular (but generally with the modern verb-form). Notes at the end of each logion are indicated by superscript¹, those at the end of the current text with a circle°. Hyperlinks are underlined but not color-coded. The scriptural cross-references listed are essential to an understanding of the saying in its biblical context, and the reader is urged to refer to them in every case; explicit parallels to Thomas in the Synoptics are separately marked with an equal sign=, to spare the reader looking up what is already well-known. In antiquity, of course, there were no lower-case letters, and thus in order to represent the Hebrew, Greek and Coptic scripts I have not here used their subsequent cursive letters but rather their classic forms, which are easier for the non-scholar to read. In turn, in translating such ancient texts to modern languages, it is virtually impossible to capitalize in a consistent and adequate manner; I ask the reader's indulgence in this regard. Thruout, ‘P…’ are links to paragraph numbers in Plumley's Grammar, ‘C…’ to page numbers in Crum's Dictionary (Biblio.4+5).
        In place of the Greek form, Jesus (IHSOUS), I have used the original Aramaic: Yeshua ((w#y, meaning ‘Yahweh Savior’, i.e. ‘He-Is Savior’ (Ph 20a). ‘I-Am’ represents the divine self-naming: Hebrew hyh) (ahyh), Greek EGW EIMI, Coptic anok pe (Th 13; P306).
        Lastly, I have appended five essays as commentary: (1) ‘Are the Coptic Gospels Gnostic?’, a formal demonstration that they cannot be so categorized; (2) ‘The Maternal Spirit’, on the gender in the Semitic languages of #dq-h xwr [ruakh ha-qodesh, Spirit the-Holy]; (3) ‘Theogenesis’, on the intimation in Philip that the original human transgression consisted in claiming to produce children, rather than accepting them as begotten by God alone; (4) ‘Angel and Image’, regarding these two primary concepts as found in the new scriptures, together with their underlying metaphysical framework of an apparent Spiritual Idealism; and (5) ‘The Paul Paradox’, a philosophical analysis of the evident discrepancies between the Gospels and the theology of Saul of Tarsus.
        In searching out the sense of these new writings, I have had the benefit of extended conversations across the years with many friends and colleagues, especially Bob Schapiro, Chris Wesson, Crosby Brown, Luz García and Pedro Chamizo. My long-term thanks are also due to two of my undergraduate instructors: the poet Robert Frost, for his advice to partake only in what is worthy of one's time; and Prof William E. Kennick, for his example of the highest standards in philosophical theology. To Bertrand Russell, while I was studying in London and had the opportunity to demonstrate with him in the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, I am indebted for his fearless example in confronting the Establishment— whether political, military or religious— for the sake of the truth. Much of the present edition was prepared while I was a guest of numerous universities both state and private, as well as seminaries and religious communities both Catholic and Protestant, thruout Latin America; and also of the faculties of philosophy, of orthodox theology and of informatics at the University of Athens— for their fraternal hospitality I am profoundly grateful. Internet technical advice has been kindly provided by Ioannis Georgiadis of the Athens University Computer Center.
        The canonical Gospels must be the paradigm in assessing any newly-discovered ‘Gospel’. That is to say, our criteria for evaluating such a text must be both its internal consistency with, and its external provenance relative to, the four texts which provide the ostensive definition of the very term ‘Gospel’ to begin with. So; are Thomas, Philip and Valentine theologically harmonious with the Synoptics and John? Do they all come from the same general historic context and archeological ambiance in antiquity? Are the new texts, upon analysis, both conceptually and empirically coherent with the four canonical Gospels? Do they, all in all, seem to be of the same Logos? Sufficiently careful scrutiny, I have concluded, yields an affirmative answer to all of these questions. The intent of this present edition is to provide the reader with the resources to carry out a thorough assessment of these extraordinary scriptures for him/herself.
        It has often been suggested that these new writings are basically concoctions produced by a series of unknown somebodies long after the events they purport to concern. However, the simplest explanation here (by William of Ockham's famous Principle of Economy: ‘Entities should not be multiplied unnecessarily’) is not lengthy oral tradition followed by numerous written redactions; the simplest explanation is that these three scriptures were composed by the Apostle Thomas, Philip the Evangelist and Valentine of Alexandria, and come to us largely intact and well translated into Coptic from the original Aramaic, Hebrew or Greek. There is absolutely no reason to propose a more complex hypothesis here. Thus, following the example of Aristotle's Metaphysics (thus afterward titled by the Peripatetic Andronicus of Rhodes), I have called this collection of new scriptures ‘Metalogos’— that is, ‘More Logos’.
        In sum, these new Gospels are surely the most extraordinary discovery imaginable

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